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On September 8^th, 2025, young Nepalis took to the streets as part of Gen Z protests organized across the country. What began in the morning as a peaceful youth protest, by nightfall turned into an unwarranted show of excessive bloodshed that shocked the nation. State security forces met protesters with brutal force and live ammunition, killing 19 people that day and filling hospitals with more than 300 wounded. A total of 76 people—mostly young students and many wearing school uniforms—reportedly died over the following days with more than 2,000 injured.

In response to the violent crackdown, on the following day September 9th, the Gen Z movement hosted protests in cities across the country. Historically, street protests have been a significant political tool used by civil society in Nepal to force political change. However, what happened on September 9^th was unexpected as protests quickly turned into chaos and destruction. Gen Z leaders issued a statement saying the movement "was and remains non-violent and rooted in the principles of peaceful civic engagement.” But, by the end of the day, protesters in Kathmandu had set fire to the Parliament Building, Singha Durbar government complex, the Supreme Court, political leaders’ homes and political party headquarters, mainstream media outlets, and landmarks representing the wealthy elite including The Hyatt Hotel. Gen Z protesters and the Army claimed that infiltrators had co-opted the protests and were primarily responsible for the widespread destruction.��

International media including the New York Times, Time Magazine and The Guardian were quick to pick up the story, but they framed the Gen Z protests as a reaction to recent social media bans enacted by the Government of Nepal. This oversimplified narrative overlooked long-term issues of rampant government corruption and a lack of government accountability that underlay the social unrest. One week before the protests, the Government of Nepal had banned 26 social media platforms, but this was viewed by the Gen Z movement as an attempt to stifle an ongoing anti-corruption social media campaign that critiqued the luxuriant lifestyles associated with politicians’ children, calling them “#nepobabies.” This viral social media campaign highlighted the privilege and wealth of political families and their children, which contrast starkly with the daily lives of most Nepali families who struggle economically and often have to migrate abroad for work. Therefore, the social media ban was just a match to the flame of brewing frustration from a generation with high unemployment and minimal economic opportunities at home.

Nepal is a young democracy emerging from a decade-long civil war that ended in 2006. In the post-conflict context, a small political elite have consolidated power in a political system steeped in party politics and corruption. Since 2016, the seat of Prime Minister has rotated back-and-forth between three men representing the major political parties: Pushpa Kamal Dahal or “Prachanda” representing the Maoists; KP Sharma Oli representing CPN-UML; and Sher Bahadur Deuba representing Nepali Congress. The Gen Z protests took place under the leadership of KP Sharma Oli, who was forced to step down due to widespread criticism over the violent government response. On September 9^th, protesters targeted these three political leaders, setting fire to their homes and party headquarters and assaulting Deuba and his wife.

Prime Minister Oli’s resignation created a political vacuum. The Nepal Army invited representatives from the Gen Z movement for peace talks and dialogue to establish an interim government. Names were floated and, ultimately, members of the Gen Z movement voted on Discord—an online community platform—to select former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, who is known for her strong stance against corruption. On September 12^th, Karki was appointed as interim Prime Minister making her the country’s first female head of government. One of Karki’s initial moves in power was to dissolve Parliament and plan for upcoming elections to determine a more permanent government.

Under Karki’s leadership, the Government also established an independent high-level probe commission that is in the midst of conducting an investigation into the state’s use of excessive force on September 8^{�ٳ���}��and the destruction of September 9^th. Despite the seriousness of such violence, former Prime Minister Oli and former home minister Ramesh Lekhak—who were in charge during the protests and violent crackdown—have yet to cooperate and give their statements. Gen Z leaders continue to put pressure on the commission to hold these political leaders accountable, particularly for the deaths of September 8^th. Such accountability would be a clear indication that the Government of Nepal is shifting into a new political era beyond the long-term corruption that has plagued the country and prompted the September protests.

Moving forward, national elections are scheduled to take place on March 5^th, 2026. A record number of political parties have registered, more than one third of which registered following the Gen Z protests. Leaders from the Gen Z movement will be competing in the elections, as will former Prime Minister Oli. The next few months will show if the September uprising has brought lasting change to Nepal’s political system, or if the old political guard will reclaim their seats.

Nepal’s Gen Z protests were, in part, inspired by other regional youth-led anti-corruption protests that erupted over the past few years in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia that toppled governments and led to significant political change. These movements represent a growing global trend of generational dissent and discontent that has sparked other Gen Z protests from Morrocco to Madagascar, Peru, and Bulgaria. Although the national politics may differ between these countries, undercurrents of anti-corruption, political nepotism, and increasing inequalities transcend national or regional borders and unite Gen Z movements in a shared political struggle.��

Tracy Fehr is a lecturer in the sociology department at the University of Colorado Boulder.��Her research is based in the post-disaster and post-conflict contexts of Nepal and her 2025 PhD dissertation examines the post-civil war Transitional Justice process in Nepal through a gendered critical lens.

REFERENCES

https://apnews.com/article/gen-z-protests-madagascar-nepal-morocco-peru-e1859bc7e4203adbac829cf45f92138b